6 edition of Liberalism and affirmative obligation found in the catalog.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 247-255) and index.
|LC Classifications||JC329.5 .S64 1998|
|The Physical Object|
|Pagination||xi, 260 p. ;|
|Number of Pages||260|
|LC Control Number||97030465|
In this important book, Jeffrey Reiman responds to recent assaults on liberal theory by proposing a 'critical moral liberalism.' It is liberal in maintaining the emphasis of classical liberalism on individual freedom, moral in adhering to a distinctive vision of the good life rather than professing neutrality, and critical in taking seriously the objection-raised by feminists and Marxists. ARC Seminar: Michael Paris: Racial Liberalism and School Desegregation: The Curious Connecticut Case of Sheff v. O’Neill I am working on a book about the history and possible futures of school desegregation in the United States. For the past several decades, observers from across the political spectrum have agreed that this cause is dead.
Why did the language of contract become the dominant metaphor for the relationship between subject and sovereign in mid-seventeenth-century England? In Wayward Contracts, Victoria Kahn takes issue with the usual explanation for the emergence of contract theory in terms of the origins of liberalism, with its notions of autonomy, liberty, and equality before the law. By contrast, one doesn’t refer to an affirmative obligation or negative obligation, or at least Black’s doesn’t have an entry for those terms. But they would seem perfectly good alternatives. But a broader question is whether in a contract any purpose is served by distinguishing between affirmative and negative obligations.
In this book, Michael Sandel takes up some of the hotly contested moral and political issues of our time, including affirmative action, assisted suicide, abortion, gay rights, stem cell research, the meaning of toleration and civility, the gap between rich and poor, the role of markets, and the place of religion in public life. The Major Ideologies of Liberalism, Socialism and Conservatism pp. 87–8).3 Yet in all of these books the ideologies are compartmentalised into prefabricated categories called chapters. Each of the three classic studies places the ﬁrst three ideologies chapter by chapter in and this criterion takes the form of an obligation – not.
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Liberalism and Affirmative Obligation [Smith, Patricia] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Liberalism and Affirmative ObligationCited by: The scope of affirmative obligation is a point of contention among liberals. Some see affirmative obligations required by social justice as incompatible with a strong commitment to individual freedom.
Justifying the Obligations of Neighbors and Citizens. Articulating the Scope of Political Obligation --Epilogue: Motivating Cooperative Individualism, or Why a Liberal Individualist Should Accept Collective Solutions to Large-scale Affirmative Obligations.
Responsibility: Patricia Smith. More information: Publisher description. Book Reviews:Liberalism and Affirmative Obligation. [REVIEW] Lesley A. Jacobs - - Ethics (1) The Moral Claims of Law and Authority: The Problem of Obligation in Recent Legal and Political Philosophy.
The Complexity of Consent in Legal Theory and Practice.\/span>\"@ en\/a> ; \u00A0\u00A0\u00A0\n schema:description\/a> \" Considers what a consistently liberal view of affirmative obligation would have to be to accommodate liberal commitments to freedom and justice and also account for issues central to liberal democratic society.
Vår pris. The scope of affirmative obligation is a point of contention among liberals. Some see affirmative obligations required by social justice as incompatible. (ebook) Liberalism and Affirmative Obligation () from Dymocks online store. The scope of affirmative obligation is a point of.
Save on Liberalism and Affirmative Obligation by Patricia Smith. Shop your textbooks from Zookal AU today. Here’s a primer on the main liberal arguments for and against race-based affirmative action: The Liberal Case for Considering Race In his book For Discrimination: Race, Affirmative Action, and the Law, Randall Kennedy gives an honest account of the pros and cons of race-based affirmative action, concluding that the benefits outweigh the costs.
obligations. In the service of providing an overview of liberalism’s footprints in education, this article Using a broad idea of liberalism, the book discusses celebrated thinkers from.
Liberalism, Conservatism, and the Intellectuals The emphasis on individual rights became an emphasis on group rights; by the s, civil rights had turned to affirmative action. Environmentalism and feminism enormously expanded the range of liberal concerns. A reassertion of principles of civic obligation, the revitalization of civic.
Recently, I gave my final lecture in a “Contemporary Moral Problems” course. Over the past sixteen weeks, we had covered a wide range of issues: welfare, civil disobedience, racism, sexism, affirmative action, hate crimes, pornography, immigration—plus the standard range of bioethical issues such as abortion, euthanasia, cloning, and so on.
The second problem is that the "liberalism" referred to in this book is of the classic variety, akin to libertarianism, and has little in common with the modern form practiced by Obama, the Clintons, Feinstein, Schumer, Pelosi, Reid, Bloomberg, s: 4.
Many political theorists today deny that citizenship can be defended on liberal grounds alone. Cosmopolitans claim that loyalty to a particular state is incompatible with universal liberal principles, which hold that we have equal duties of justice to persons everywhere, while nationalist theorists justify civic obligations only by reaching beyond liberal principles and invoking the.
The affirmative action case, however, comes with a wrinkle. Most prominent liberals, including civil rights leaders and the Obama administration’s lawyers, have indeed urged the court to uphold.
This book offers original and innovative contributions to the debate about equality of opportunity. The first part sets out a theory of equality of opportunity that presents equal opportunities as a normative device for the regulation of competition for scarce resources.
The second part shifts the focus to the consideration of the practical application by courts or legislatures or public.
This presumption is questionable and, more important, it reveals a loss of nerve among too many so-called liberal friends of affirmative action and blacks. Starr would do well to heed the words of Deborah A. Stone's article "Race. A liberal society seeks not to impose a single way of life, but to leave its citizens as free as possible to choose their own values and ends.
It therefore must govern by principles of justice that do not presuppose any particular vision of the good life.
But can any such principles be found. And if not, what are the consequences for justice as a moral and political ideal?/5(2). It is, as a Hentoff book title tartly puts it, "freedom of speech for me—but not for thee." The most influential liberal philosopher of the last 30 years, Harvard University's John Rawls, takes a similar tack.
Rawls doesn't openly endorse Marcusian coercion; he claims to be a defender of reason and of liberal freedoms. American liberalism was feasible only because America wasn’t fully liberal. But today, we have become what our liberal philosophy imagined us to be: free of obligation and responsibility to each other, free of duties to past and future generations, masters of nature that we regard as our possession to use and abuse, consumers rather than.
Above statement comes from Green’s book “PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL OBLIGATION.” Political obligation explains the reason as to why man should feel obliged towards the state. Political theorists since the time of Plato are explaining the principles of political obligation.
The affirmative self-determination axiom requires that Hobbits and only Hobbits determine who are Hobbits. In our formulation this is expressed by: Affirmative self-determination. f(P)=f(P t). Theorem 4. The liberal rule is the only one that satisfies monotonicity, independence, nondegeneracy and affirmative self-determination.
4. Discussion There, academia is viewed as a liberal bastion. Furthermore, it is seen as a place of deep ideological bias against conservatives and even, as .